EVer since Donald Trump returned to power, critics have struggled to find suitable firmness for the method of governance. Some are similar to the demands of loyalty, care networks and intimidation tactics of the Mafia -Don methods. Others have thrown it as feudal furnaces, and they manage a personal worship rooted in the charisma and are associated with the right, bonuses and threats instead of laws and institutions. There are an increasing number of artists and the creativity of Amnesty International As a Viking warrior. Of course, severe discussions continue whether the moment has reached dangerous comparisons with fascist systems.
While some of these interviews may provide a degree of insight, they are mainly limited because of the European Central-as if it was the twenty-first century American policy It should still be interpreted only through the lens of ancient world history. If we really want to understand what it reveals, we must overcome the Scandinavian epic and the process of Sicilian crime.
I found increasing difficulty in not seeing the amazing similarities between recent events in the United States and the rise of dictatorships dating back to the Cold War era in Africa. It started with Trump Naming the Gulf of Mexico and DenaliThat I remembered how MobUU Sese Seke, on a personal whim, changed the Congo to Zaire in 1971. The reincarnation of geography was wide in Africa because of its history of colonialism, but now the United States has begun to change names as well.
Trump Publishing the National Guard forces After the protests, the Marine Corps to Los Angeles echoed the immigration raids, Moboto’s favorite method of dealing with civil disorders: the presidential guards who patrol in the streets to crush the protests. The explicit use of the military force to suppress the local opposition is a tactic associated with numbers like IDI Amin in Uganda and Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe and Paul Pia in Cameroon – And if it is with the consequences of death.
Trump’s aggressive deportation is similar to Latin workers who are also not documented. The Asian minority of Uganda. Amin fled as a way to restore economic power to the “regular Ugandan”, but led to financial ruin. The embrace of strange theatrical economic measures that look great on TV but are known in other amazing practice. Trump’s tariff, which was declared with a national uproar on “Tahrir’s Day”, causes great land reforms in Mugabe in the 1980s, which rushed to the collapse of Zimbabwe.
The girl’s hostility, Egomania and the delusions of greatness were the distinctive features of dictatorships in Africa. Félix Houphouët-Boigny from Ivory Coast built a replica of St. Peter’s Church in his city. Jean -Bidel Pocasa “Emperor” was crowned with the Central African Republic. “Marshal” guarantees Mobutu Concorde can drop In his mother village. Similar splendor of ambition I arrived in the United States with Trump Boeing luxury acceptance 747 From Qatar and I hope he will be his face Curtain in Jabal Rashmour Besides George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Theodore Roosevelt and Abraham Lincoln.
The army in Washington showed the day when the US military reached 250, and Trump was 79 years old was another moment of narcissism that was roaming in the self. The worship of the popular personality and the masculine pride often goes along with the madness of deep greatness and contempt. Trump’s war is relentlessly on academic circles and free press directly fits within this tradition. In Equatorial Guinea, President Francisco Macasas Ngwima banned the wordthinkerAnd they banned academics.
At first glance, it may seem to look at Trump as a Western version of a dictatorship in Africa. After all, his interest in the continent seems limited to its natural resources, not its political models. The commercial tariffs and the travel ban that was recently launched by many African countries have struck, and its harsh withdrawal of aid hardly indicates the admiration of anything African.
What’s more, Trump Do not go ahead with African soil According to what was reported, the continent was rejected as a group of “”Heithul countries“Just when the raw material deal is on the horizon, it stems to life, like last week when”A peace deal“Between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda at the White House,” Trump said. For the United States, we get a lot of metal rights from the Congo as part of it. “
But once a comparison between Trump and the Cold War dictator is made, it becomes difficult not to see. It should not be surprised. The dictator after colonialism was largely an American creation. Soon or later, she had to go home.
The United States supported repressive regimes without registration or condition during the Cold War, as it was seen as Blocs against Communism – not only in Africa, but in Asia and Latin America. The dictatorships like Ferdinand Marcus in the Philippines and Soharto in Indonesia and Augusta Pinochet in Chile and Gorge Rafael Vidella in Argentina for decades thanks to our support. When the Soviet Union collapsed, the United States suddenly abandoned these allies and defended the gospel of democratic transformation. Although the nineties were rich in rhetoric about human rights, good governance and the rule of law, on the basis that the specter of tyranny did not completely disappear.
We are now seeing an amazing reflection. With the demise of the American Agency for International Development and its retreat from a role in promoting global democracy, not only that the United States has turned its back on democratic countries in Africa and other places – but it has begun to imitate some of the worst historical examples of authoritarian rule.
The Trump regime’s offer through the lens of tyranny in the era of the Cold War in post -colonial cases provides a strange and strange framework.
If there is a permanent lesson from the history of tyranny in Africa, this is: things can turn ugly and fast. Cold war dictatorships were severe, bloody and often ending in chaos and state collapse. However, their history also shows that when the courts are neutral, legislative bodies can appear to rubber stamps, civil society, independent media and the moral strength of religious and academic institutions that can appear as the last enormous strongholds against tyranny. After all, sooner or later, dictators die, while collective efforts remain.
