In Brazil, the right creates precarious workers, and precarious workers prefer the right – but the cycle can be broken | Rodrigo Nunes
On April 1, the Brazilians organized a day of the work in which thousands of workers participated in the pegs and protests at least 60 citiesWith places such as Sao Paulo, reporting a sharp decrease in delivery operations. Although companies have not yet responded to the demands of wages and the best conditions, the packing was a clear step for the operation of a national organization that started in 2020.
Between 2016 and 2021, the number of people working in delivery applications in Brazil It increased by 979.8 %With the number of deliveries and passengers in the sector now about 1.4 million. This mutation coincides with the period when the country recently felt the recession after 2008. Economic decline and corruption The president was removed at the time Dilma RoussevThe 13 -year -old has ended with left -wing governments by the PTA (PT). In the years after this, a series of austerity measures and work reforms were placed, the political spectrum was steadily elected to the right, and the extremist liberation politician Gere Bolsonaro was elected president in 2018.
This sequence is from the events, and the new reality that the platform has introduced, in addition to the long tradition of Brazil represented in informal work and risks-a legacy of slavery, such as sociologist Francisco de Oliveira Note in the early 1970sThe remains of the residue are not as much as it is an enabling condition of a very equal form of capitalist modernization. Since the eighties of the last century, thinkers at Brazil and abroad have talked about the increasing sacrifice produced by neoliberalism as part of the continuity.Brazilian in the world“.
However, the loss of protection and rights has not been translated into more support for unions and left -wing parties. On the contrary, he was among the newly -old bloc from the platform workers, where Bolsonaro found some of his strong supporters. In part of it, this was because many of them blame the crisis that led them to this kind of work on the Labor Party. But this phenomenon, which can also be observed in Argentina with Javier Millie and elsewhereIt has deeper roots.
It is a long -term effect of how several decades of neoliberal domination on politics and discourse on the ways that people themselves and each other are related. This can be described as internal.Neoliberalism“Since seeing himself as a businessman-instead of a worker, or a person who is exploited or poor-is an essential matter for movement in a world in which the individual bears all risks, and to maintain self-esteem in the face of difficulties and bets. Government organization, from taxes to obligations that are placed on traffic laws, appear from this position from perspective, exists, or subject to phones, or subject to phones, or justify, or they are deceived. Even carrying a weapon.
All this makes the authoritarian work message on the far right of the extreme right, supporting the national team, which is likely to be attractive even for those who work in the worst possible settings. This was not more clear than it was on the way This regiment responded to Covid: While Bolsonaro Opposition ReinforceThe unlikely a lawyer of Argentina made the unstable workers more open to the strict Miley lines.
Although Luiz Inácio LULA DA Silva Bolsonaro defeat To return to a third term in 2022, this tide is still far from its receding. Worse than that, stubborn inflation and dull performance means that if it had not been lost the land between the poorest of the country for the first time in two decadesLoss of 20 % approval in two months Among those who earn less than two lower wages.
The party workers ’positions may not be generalized as it is believed to be often. Scanning 2024 showed that 67 % of workers working for their own account in Brazil prefer an official contractWith the number to 75.6 % among those who earn the minimum wage or less. But it is not impossible to see cyclists and Motooboys (Motorcycle sponsors) who complain on their way through crowded traffic as a bell for a broader social transformation towards a more individual and ridiculous look. Created by trainers via the Internet and The Gospel of prosperity From the evangelical churches, it is one of the collective solutions, which accepts the struggle to survive as a natural fact that cannot be interrogated.
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All this means that, even when they organize, the policy of the shelling can be mysterious. It requires better conditions, but refuses to lose the autonomy associated with regular functions; It slides between seeing the assistants as a class and as a group of individuals. The high turnover and small group identity means that few people remain for a long time in the line of confrontation for organization and experience for prosperity. However, specifically because it is many and exemplary of the way the economy moves – not just BrazilBut in any country where the allocation and the work of the platform are thrived – finding ways to reach it is a major challenge on the left.
While Brazil The first day, the decentralized national strikes through the delivery drivers In 2020, he suggested an easy form of class policy – with a summary of the group Fascist anti -fascist shepherds (Endregadores Antifascistas) and its leader, Paulo Gallo The reality has since been difficult for them to read. But there are interesting experiences in organizing workers more fairly, and far from the right right.
While many Plastic cooperatives This did not continue in the aftermath of the filling in 2020, some attempts to create delivery services owned by workers run by workers, some with their own applications and data control, have flourished. Among them Lega cupA strong cooperative union, which is 2700 members of cooperatives in three states, and Señoritas CourseCytical service service by the women of the Association of Independent Countries and the Converters who have been in Sao Paulo since 2017. Renting those who struggle It is Chatbot created by the movement of homeless workers (MTST) to link people looking for services from building to education for the activists they provide.
In the municipal elections last year, he is scrambling for a place in the last round of the Sao Paulo municipality competition between Gilhery Paulus from MTST, who promised a break in favor of the cursing where they can access the basic services, and the Internet coach Pablo Marshall, who sells the dream of entrepreneurship that proves Gig’s workers, and presented a good picture of the battle to attend. Paulus defeated Marshall, but he lost the direct vote against the operator of the Bolsonaro operator, supported by Bolsonaro. The story of hope, however, came from success Life is out of workAnd that started as an online campaign against the six -day week in the services sector, and since then it was almost collected 3m signatures To support a bill to limit the work week to 36 hours, Finally presented In February this year. Rick Azifido, 30,Who founded the movement while working in the field of retail, with a video of Tiktok that made him in a viral sense, was the most disgusting city advisor at Rio de Janeiro.
Despite the presence of all the potentials of the internet-based initiatives, the campaign felt that it was the first time in the ages that the work policy returned to the agenda, and it was not neoliberal or right-wing reformists-who fought to find a position that he did not coincide with as an anti-an front-foot employee. What’s more, it flourished on social media, the terrain that mostly served Bolsonaro. This not only proves that there is a lot to be acquired if the left is ready to go to the attack, but there is no doubt that he leaves important lessons on how to do this.
