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TIt is first The 119th Congress Week, which was held on January 3, revealed some important facts on how to exercise power in Washington during the next two years. Donald Trump will always not always want him in Capitol Hill, although any fans oppose his preferences usually claim to support the president. Although Trump is not very strong, it will be difficult to happen without it.
Let us first consider the issue of re -election Mike Johnson as Speaker of the House of Representatives. Johnson received semi -collective support from his party in the first ballot, which is an improvement compared to 15 voting rounds that his Republican predecessor took two years ago. But the victory required months of pressure, and the uncertainty prevailed for a few minutes before getting the hammer – with the help of the last minute of Mr. Trump.
Conservative militants filed a set of complaints about the leadership of the House of Representatives. They look at the Speaker of the House of Representatives, unreasonably, as a virgin that does not meet the needs of their party’s wing. After the elections, many rebels signed a public message in which they announced that they support Trump’s choice for the position of Speaker of Parliament “despite our sincere reservations.” The message has determined the desired policy demands and procedural changes. This was largely in line with Trump’s goals, but some, such as linking restrictions to increased debt limit or achieving a rapid balance in the American budget, would definitely disturb him. The dissidents explained that unless their demands are met, Johnson may lose his grip on power soon.
Such battles are important in a year full of important legislative dates. Republicans must agree to defensive spending, a government budget that must be approved by the fourteenth of March, and a debt roof that must be raised or suspended by next June. This is the minimum except for immigration legislation, ambitious energy, and the complex renewal of the tax discounts approved by Trump during his first term. All of these challenges contain many opportunities to remove both conservatives and moderates, which means that every big voice can be fraught with risks such as Johnson inauguration.
However, the Republicans spent their first days in Washington at a confusion over how they dealt with the passage of legislation. The Senate, led by John Thun, is preferred with two tracks, as Congress achieves an early victory in a draft law covering immigration, energy and other priorities before the start of tax negotiations. Johnson and other prominent figures in the House of Representatives want a huge bill as a means of pressure against disturbed Republicans who are not satisfied with specific amendments to the tax law.
Each of the two strategies is risky, given that the Republicans have won the House of Representatives with a small majority since the 1930 elections. This type of impasse is designed to solve the presidential leadership. “I love one big and beautiful invoice,” Trump said on January 7. “But if there are two more certain, it will take place a little faster because you can do migration things early.”
Ironically, in Trump’s second term, although it has become more powerful politically, the Republicans have less error in the House of Representatives. Johnson’s rapid election, and confusion days on the strategy that followed, showed the difference that Trump can simply make by taking interest. It is certain whether he can maintain this participation to achieve its legislative agenda. ■
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