Inside the White House, Trump officials are involved in a discussion about whether military strikes will be carried out against Mexican drug gangs or instead to cooperate with the Mexican authorities to dismantle criminal organizations jointly.
On the one hand, many people familiar with the matter say that some US officials are defending unilateral military action against cartel and infrastructure to stop drug flow across the border. On the other hand, these people say that some officials are arguing to increase partnership with the Mexican government to ensure continued cooperation on the issue of immigration.
Amid this division, a high -level delegation from Mexico is scheduled to arrive in Washington on Thursday to meet with senior US officials to clarify a security agreement, a draft was designed last week and the talks are likely to be established.
In the discussions so far, US officials made a mysterious warning and demanding unimportant policy that the dismantling of Mexico Cartes or facing the full power of Washington’s authority, according to three people familiar with the initial negotiations who were not allowed to speak publicly, which led to confusion between Mexican officials.
One of the camps is Sebastian Gurka, the first director of President Trump to combat terrorism at the White House, according to three current and former US officials who were not allowed to speak publicly.
Mr. Gorka, the combat defender of Mr. Trump, works with a former officer in the joint special operations leadership, which supervises very secret special operations from the American military, in an attempt to push towards the use of the American military force to land the Mexican drug princes and their operations on the ground, the current officials said.
A more cautious situation has been eliminated by the White House’s Internal Security Council, which is led by Stephen Miller. Mr. Miller has employed his group with federal law enforcement officials who have deep experience in investigating captures, prosecuting and operating them in Mexico against Cartel’s leaders with their local counterparts.
According to two people familiar with the conversations, Mr. Miller’s most anxious approach is concerned that attention is strongly against the cartals can close the broader cooperation with the Mexican forces in one of his priorities in the signature policy: preventing migrants from reaching the American border.
More clarity may come this week, as Omar Garcia Harvoush, Minister of Security in Mexico, and his delegation with their American counterparts. The delegation arrives a few days before Mr. Trump said it will impose a 25 percent tariff on Mexican imports as a revenge for the Mexican government that does not do enough to counter the flow of fentanel.
The security framework draft, which will lay the basis for future cooperation, is currently calling for more arrests of the Cartile Commander and the creation of more Mexican units that have been examined by the implementation of the American law to target everything from money laundering to drug groups on the ground, according to three people who are familiar with it. Immigration and borders are also expected to be treated.
With the summonses of Trump administration officials growing with a louder voice for a military solution to the karstra and facing drug trafficking, especially Fintanel, the Mexican government strongly pushed.
President Claudia Xinbom has asked Mexico that any American military action against Carttals in cooperation with the Mexican forces pledged to protect the sovereignty of Mexico.
On Tuesday, Ms. Shinbom said at a press conference that her government “does not want American forces’ operations in Mexico,” adding that there is currently a large sharing of intelligence and information with the American authorities.
She said that Mexico is aimed at “coordination, cooperation, invasion or dependency.” Ms. Shinbom added that her government will follow up on the constitution to limit the work of foreign agents in Mexico, to ensure that they do not work independently.
In an attempt to help the Mexican government, Central Intelligence Agency has climbed flights drone on the countryThe officials said that although the agency was not authorized using drones to take any fatal measures on its own, the officials said. At the present time, the CIA officers in Mexico passed the information collected by drones for Mexican officials.
The northern leadership of the American army is also expanding the scope of border monitoring, but unlike the CIA, it does not enter the Mexican airspace.
“Sovereignty is not negotiable, and this is a basic principle,” the New York Times said.
The Mexican forces intensified their battle against the carts in the middle of a barrage of threats from Mr. Trump, in the hope that Washington will weaken and show that they are ready and able in the war on drug gangs.
In the state of Cenaloa, the axis of the most powerful criminal union in Mexico, Cartel Sinalua, the Mexican government has made high -level arrests, a drug laboratory scrap, and drug sources that disrupted the production of fentanels there.
In December, the Mexican authorities also seized more than one 20 million doses of fentanel In Sendo, the largest artificial opium statue.
On Tuesday, Mexico Defense Minister said that US drones were used in efforts to arrest the most important figures in Cartel Sinaloa. Mexican officials recently announced the arrest of the Canopbio Inzunza, who is said to be a right -wing man of Ivano Joseman Salazar, the son of the famous drug Lord Joaen Joseman Lubira, known as El Chapo.
Mr. Canobbio Inzunza was charged in the United States in November on charges of smuggling fentanel into American cities such as Chicago, where two of his young brothers in Ivan Joseman – Jawakin and Ovin Joseman Lopez – face accusations.
But if the United States pushes Mexico away, it has reversed contracts of cooperation between the two countries, and former analysts and diplomats have warned. Even before the re -election of Mr. Trump, the relations between the United States and Mexico on the issue of drug gangs were already tense.
This summer, Mexican officials were angry at what they believed was a direct American participation in R.He kidnaps one of the most powerful drug princes in the country, Ismail Zambada Garcia, who was forcefully transferred across the border, was arrested by American federal agents near El Passo. Despite American assurances that the kidnapping was implemented by an EL Chapo sons without any American assistance to the ground, Mexican officials demanded more answers.
The episode, which included Mr. Zambada Garcia, who faces comprehensive drug fees in Brooklyn, came just a few years after another breach in the United States and Mexico relations that involve the cartridge.
In October 2020, Gen. Salvador SinvoigosThe former Mexican Defense Minister, at the airport in Los Angeles, on a sprawling federal accusation list accusing him of taking bribes from a violent Mexican Cart.
At its highest levels, The Mexican government’s interaction with a demonstration of collective anger All other than paralyzed US drug control operations. On the orders of William Bar, then the Public Prosecutor, the Federal Public Prosecutors in Brooklyn, rejected the charges against General Cinvigos and returned him to Mexico.
Eric Schmidt The reports contributed.
